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Yuri Bezmenov's avatar

"Then when George Floyd died in May 2020, there was a rush to abolish test requirements forever because George would have wanted it that way. Or something. It all seemed to make sense at the time. You had to be there."

LMAO. As Nancy Pelosi said, thank you for dying George Floyd! Will be fascinating to see longitudinal studies on the college classes of 2020-2024. They endured the triple whammy of school closures, Maoist protests, and peak affirmative action.

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E. H. Hail's avatar

Steve Sailer says: "MIT tried to stock up on their precious stock of blackness last year." A characteristically Sailerian way of breezing, humorously, right past a point.

The question "breezed past" is: WHY would MIT want to vastly inflate its number of Blacks? Are they really run by hard-core, anti-white race-ideologues? Is there another explanation?

Christopher Caldwell thinks the explanation is less ideological than legalistic and with concern over endowments (i.e., financial viability of the 'business side' of the big-business that is Higher Education).

The below is an excerpt from his 2023 essay on the rise of "affirmative action" and Diversity mechanisms at colleges and universities since the 1970s.

From "Unfair Harvard," by Christopher Caldwell, Claremont Review of Books, Summer 2023:

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Affirmative action was meant to be a liberty, something a university is allowed to do—but colleges everywhere treated it as something they were required to do. The expression that Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson uses in her dissenting opinion in Students for Fair Admissions is striking: taking race into account in affirmative action programs, she says, is something that the law “permits, but does not require.” But this is false. If affirmative action is not a de facto requirement, then why has the Supreme Court spent 45 years agonizing over whether and how to eliminate it?

Civil rights laws do not work by banning this or that. They work by incentivizing certain acts and then confronting citizens with the investigative power of the federal government and the awesome suing power that the Civil Rights Act gives to government, activist foundations, and private parties. Once the concept of racial diversity is defined in a Supreme Court decision as something that anti-racist colleges want, it comes to seem racist not to want it. No one is requiring you to do anything. But no university board member who has his institution’s endowment at stake wants to be brought into a courtroom and told: “You had the freedom to act the right way concerning race—why didn’t you avail yourself of it?” Bad things might happen to your institution should your student body wind up less than 12% black.

The problem with affirmative action has not just been in this or that way of interpreting diversity, nor in this or that tradition of Supreme Court scrutiny. The problem has always been that it is armed with the terrible swift sword of civil rights law, which works to transform every area of American law into anti-discrimination law. It was thus that, in 1986, the Immigration Reform and Control Act, meant to discourage immigration from Mexico by punishing employers who hired illegals, was hedged with language stressing the illegality of discriminating on grounds of national origin—and thereby wound up encouraging immigration. And it was thus that, after the riots of 2020, every single major corporation in the U.S. came to have a Diversity-Equity-Inclusion apparatus. Civil rights arrived promising to make race less important to our national life but has wound up racializing everything it touches.

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https://claremontreviewofbooks.com/unfair-harvard/

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